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  • GHMC ఎన్నికలు: బ్యాలెట్ పేపర్ ద్వారా ఓటు వేసేటప్పుడు ఇవి పాటించండి 
    గ్రేటర్  హైదరాబాద్ మునిసిపల్ కార్పొరేషన్ ఎన్నికలు ఈవీఎంల ద్వారా కాకుండా బ్యాలెట్ పేపర్ ద్వారా జరుగుతున్న నేపథ్యంలో.. మొదటి సారి బ్యాలెట్ పేపర్ ద్వారా ఓటు వేసేటప్పుడు ఈ జాగ్రత్తలు పాటించండి     The post GHMC ఎన్నికలు: బ్యాలెట్ పేపర్ ద్వారా ఓటు వేసేటప్పుడు ఇవి పాటించండి  appeared first on VSK Telangana.
  • వ్య‌వ‌సాయ చ‌ట్టాల‌తో ఎంతో మేలు : రైతు హ‌ర్షం 
       కేంద్ర ప్ర‌భుత్వం ఇటీవ‌ల తీసుకువ‌చ్చిన నూత‌న వ్య‌వ‌సాయం  చ‌ట్టాల‌ను ఉపసంహరించుకోవాలని డిమాండ్ చేస్తూ పంజాబ్ రైతులు ఆందోళన ప్రారంభించినప్పటికీ, ఈ చట్టాలు తమకు ఎలా ప్రయోజనం చేకూర్చాయో వివరించడానికి అనేక మంది రైతులు ముందుకు వ‌స్తున్నారు. త‌మ‌కు ఎంతో మేలు చేస్తోంద‌ని రైతులు త‌మ హ‌ర్షాన్ని వ్య‌క్తం చేస్తున్నారు. “మహారాష్ట్రలోని ధూలేలోని జితేంద్ర భోజీ అనే రైతు కేంద్ర ప్ర‌భుత్వం ప్ర‌వేశ పెట్టిన నూత‌న వ్య‌వ‌సాయ చ‌ట్టం వ‌ల్ల తాను పొందిన లాభాన్ని గురించి ఒక మీడియా […]
  • ఆంధ్రప్ర‌దేశ్ : నివ‌ర్ బాధితుల‌కు సేవా భార‌తి ‌స‌హాయ‌క చ‌ర్య‌లు
    నివర్ తుఫాను కారణంగా నెల్లూరు గూడూరు మధ్య హైవేలో రోడ్డు దెబ్బతినడంతో రాక‌పోక‌లు నిలిచిపోయాయి. వరదలలో చిక్కుకుపోయిన ప్రయాణికులకు ఆర్.ఎస్.ఎస్ కార్యకర్తలు అండగా నిలిచారు. వారికి అల్పాహారం, బన్ను, బిస్కెట్ ప్యాకెట్ లు, పాలు, టీ ఏర్పాటు చేశారు. నివర్ తుఫాన్ కారణంగా నెల్లూరు, గూడూరు మధ్యలో గూడూరుకు సమీపంగా గల ఆదిశంకర ఇంజనీరింగ్ కాలేజీ వద్ద రహదారి దెబ్బతినడంతో అటు ఇటు వాహనాలు పెద్ద సంఖ్యలో నిలిచిపోయాయి. ఆ వాహనాలలో ఉన్న వృద్ధులు, మహిళలు, చిన్నారులు […]
  • నివ‌ర్ బాధితుల‌కు సేవాభార‌తి ఆధ్వ‌ర్యంలో సేవా కార్యక్ర‌మాలు
    నివ‌ర్ తుఫాను కారణంగా భారీ వర్షాల‌కు త‌మిళ‌నాడులోని చెన్నై, కాంచీపురం, చెంగ్లెపుట్, కడలూరు, పన్రుట్టి, పజవెర్కాడు, పెరంబర్, మదురంతకం, అరకోన్నం, పుదుచ్చేరి ప్రాంతాల్లో వరదలు సంభవించాయి. లోత‌ట్టు ప్రాంతాలు నీట మునిగి అక్క‌డి ప్రజలు అనేక ఇబ్బందులు ఎదుర్కొన్నారు. ఈ నేప‌థ్యంలో త‌‌మిళ‌నాడు సేవాభారతి రాష్ట్ర ప్ర‌భుత్వ‌ సమన్వయంతో సేవా కార్యకలాపాల్లో పాల్గొనాలని నిర్ణయించుకుంది. సేవా భార‌తి కార్య‌క‌ర్త‌లు తుఫాన్ బాధితుల‌కు ఆహారం, నీళ్లు, వైద్య సామాగ్రిని, ఇత‌ర వ‌స్తువుల‌ను పంపిణీ చేశారు. వర్షాల వ‌ల్ల  రోడ్ల‌పై […]
  • ఉత్తర్ ప్రదేశ్ చట్టంలో ఏముంది?
    – కె. సహదేవ్ బలవంతపు మతమార్పిడులను, ముఖ్యంగా వివాహం చేసుకునేందుకు, పాల్పడటాన్ని నిషేధిస్తూ ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్ ఒక చట్టాన్ని ఆమోదించింది. అయితే ఈ చట్టం పూర్తిగా `లవ్ జిహాద్’ ను దృష్టిలో పెట్టుకుని చేశారని, అసలు లవ్ జిహాద్ కేసులనేవే లేవని కొందరు విమర్శలు మొదలుపెట్టారు. విచిత్రంగా మొత్తం చట్టంలో ఎక్కడా లవ్ జిహాద్ ప్రస్తావనే లేదు. అయినా సామాజిక మాధ్యమాల్లో ఈ విషయమై విపరీతమైన ప్రచారం సాగుతోంది. `భారత్ లో అత్యధిక జనాభా కలిగిన రాష్ట్రంలో […]
  • Everyone has responsibility to make dreams of Dr.B.R Ambedkar come true – Sri Appala Prasad
    Appala Prasad, state convenor of the Samajika Samarasata Vedika, called for the conservation of Our Constitution, which prophesied national unity, national integrity as well as freedom, equality and fraternity. Appala Prasad who was the chief guest at the book launch of ‘Manamu Mana Rajyangamu’ said that all castes should live with Harmony and  everyone has […]
  • “Stop issuing OBC Caste Certificates to Christian Converts”, demands Agnikula Kshatriya Community
    Members of Agnikula Kshatriya community, which is categorised as OBC community in Andhra Pradesh have given a representation to Ms M Sujatha, Tahsildar of Mamidikuduru Mandal, and East Godavari district. In the representation, the community members requested the officials to stop issuing Hindu OBC community certificates to those members of their community who have converted […]
  • భారత రాజ్యాంగ పరిరక్షణకు నడుంకట్టాలి
    జాతీయ సమైక్యత, దేశ అఖండతతో పాటు స్వేచ్ఛ, సమానత్వం, సోదర భావాలను ప్రవచించిన భారత రాజ్యాంగ పరిరక్షణకు నడుంకట్టాలని సామాజిక సమరసతా వేదిక రాష్ట్ర కన్వీనర్ అప్పాల ప్రసాద్ పిలుపునిచ్చారు. ‘మనమూ, మన భారత రాజ్యాంగం’ అను పుస్తక ఆవిష్కరణ సభలో ముఖ్య అతిథిగా విచ్చేసిన అప్పాల ప్రసాద్ జి మాట్లాడుతూ కులాలు ఎన్నున్నా సమైక్యతతో జీవించాలని, డా బి ఆర్ అంబేద్కర్ ఆశించిన కలలు సార్థకం చేయాల్సిన బాధ్యత అందరిపై ఉందని అన్నారు. 200 గ్రామాల్లో […]
  • భారత రాజ్యాంగం హిందూ హృదయం
    వ్యక్తులు, వర్గాల స్వేచ్ఛాయుతమైన సమ్మతిపై ఆధారపడిన ఏ ప్రజాస్వామిక వ్యవస్థ అయినా స్వీయ నాగరకతా విలువలను ప్రతిబింబించాలి. శతాబ్దాలుగా భారత్‌లో విలసిల్లిన సామాజిక, సాంస్కృతిక విలువలు, విధానాలను హిందుత్వంగా సాక్షాత్తు సుప్రీంకోర్టు గుర్తించడం సాధారణమైన విషయం కాదు. ఈ దేశపు సామాజిక, రాజకీయ, ఆర్థిక, ధార్మిక వ్యవస్థకు మూలం హిందుత్వం అని ప్రతి నిత్యం నిర్థారణ అవుతున్నా దానిని కాదనడం సెక్యులరిస్టులమని చెప్పుకునే వారికి అలవాటు. అయితే హిందుత్వపు ప్రాతిపదికను స్వాతంత్య్రోద్యమ నాయకులు అందరూ గుర్తించారు, గౌరవించారు. […]
  • లాక్-డౌన్ నేపథ్యంలో అన్నార్తులకు ఓ యాచ‌కుడి విరాళం
    కష్టాల్లో ఉన్నవారికి సహాయం చేయడానికి కోటీశ్వ‌రుడే కావాల్సిన అవ‌స‌రం లేదు, మాన‌వ‌త్వం ఉంటే చాల‌ని నిరూపించాడు ఓ యాచకుడు. నిత్యం బిక్షాట‌న చేస్తూ తాను సేక‌రించిన సొమ్మును ముఖ్య‌మంత్రి స‌హాయ నిధికి విరాళం ఇచ్చిన ఓ యాచ‌కుడు తన దాతృత్వాన్ని చాటుకున్నాడు. త‌మిళ‌నాడులోని తూత్తుకుడి జిల్లాలోని ఆలంకినారు గ్రామానికి చెందిన వాగబొండ్ పూల్ పాండియన్ (68), ఆర్థికంగా మంచి కుటుంబంలో జన్మించిన‌ప్ప‌టికీ ఇద్దరు కుమారులు ప‌ట్టించుకోక‌పోవ‌డంతో బ‌తుకుదెరువు కోసం ముంబైకి వెళ్లాడు. చదువు లేకపోవడం, బ్రతుకుదెరువు మార్గం […]

Khilafat: scriptural sanction and historical antecedents

Dr. Shreerang Godbole

Chapter II   

 

To a devout Muslim, doctrine overrides conscience. Islamic doctrine flows from a triad of Islamic scriptures that includes Quran, Hadith(narrative record of the sayings or customs of Prophet Muhammad) and the Sira (biography of the Prophet Muhammad) or the Sunnah (tradition or way of the Prophet Muhammad). Whether at a personal or community level, it is scriptural sanction alone that validates any thought or action as moral or legal. Notions of righteousness, justice, goodness, wisdom and piety are determined by scripture in its punctilious detail. They may not match and in fact may run afoul of universal standards. Though the global Ummah (community of the Islamic Faithful) is by its very nature supra-national, fact is that it is divided by territorial borders that are abhorrent to Islam. It is not hard to imagine how a supra-national idea may translate into an extra-territorial pan-Islamic political movement. If the Khilafat Movement had caught the imagination of Indian Muslims for at least six years, one may safely assume that it had scriptural sanction. As scriptural sanction has timeless validity, one may also assume that the Khilafat Movement had historical antecedents and will also repeat itself in future.

Before we proceed, a word or two about the term ‘pan-Islamism’! The first use of the term thus far discovered is that by Franz vonWerner (aka Murad Effendi) in TurkischoSkizzen (German for Turkish Sketches, 1877) and later by French journalist Gabriel Charmes in 1881.The closest Islamic equivalent term, Ittihad-i-Islam or the terms Ittihad-i-Din and Uhuv vet-i-Din had long been used in the correspondence between the Ottomans and the Muslim rulers of India, Central Asia and Indonesia (The Khilafat Movement in India, 1919-1924, Muhammad Naeem Qureshi, dissertation submitted to University of London, 1973, p. 6).  Though the term pan-Islamism is a relatively late construct, the idea has its roots in the following Quranic passage: “And verily this Ummah of yours is one Ummah and I am your Lord and Cherisher, therefore fear Me and no other.” (23:52)

Khilafat in early Islamic history

The Quran mentions word khalifa (lit.successor, pl.Khulafa) in the sense of vice-regent or successor in Verses 2.30. 4.59. 6.165, 35.39 and 38.26.  The first Muslim ruler was none other than Prophet Muhammad (570-632). Though he started his Prophetic mission in 610 CE, he started ruling Medina in 622 CE. Thus, for ten years, he was Prophet, Ruler, Military Commander, Jurist and Judge. Neither did the Quran nor Prophet Muhammad assign his Khalifa! In Islam, Prophet Muhammad is the Seal of the Prophets (Quran 33:40) and no one can take the place of the Prophet in his position as Messenger of God. However, his position as a ruler can be represented by other Muslims for the Quran states; “O you who believe! Obey God and obey the Messenger, and those from among you who are invested with authority” (4:59). The Hadith has numerous commandments regarding allegiance to a ruler, for example, “Whoever dishonours a ruler of Allah on earth, Allah will dishonour him” (Tirmizi, Al-Hadith, Tr. of Mishkat-ul-Masabih, Vol.2, Islamic Book Service, Delhi, p.560).

The title of the first Khalifa Abu Bakr was Khalifatu Rasul al-Allah (Successor of Messenger of Allah).  The first four Khulafa, Abu Bakr (632–634), Umar (634–644), Uthman (Osman, Ottoman 644–656) and Ali (656–661) have been called as Khulafa Rashidun (the rightly guided Khulafa) by Sunni Muslims. All four belonged to the Quraysh, the tribe that included Prophet Muhammad‘s Hashemite clan. During their period, Islamic armies defeated the Sassanid Empire, halved and almost destroyed the Byzantine Empire and expanded into South and Central Asia and through North Africa into the Iberian Peninsula. The period of the first four Khulafa (632-661 CE) is considered the Golden Age of Islam. Ironically, the Golden Age was marked by the murder of three of the four Khulafa. After Ali, the Khilafat passed into the hands of the Umayyads, the tribesmen of Uthman’s clan where it stayed for 90 years. In 750 CE, the Abbassid dynasty overthrew the Ummayyads and established its Khilafat in Baghdad, Iraq. Though they were forced to cede authority to various other dynasties in the Muslim world, they continued to claim authority until the Turkish Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517. The Ottoman claim to the Khilafat lasted from 1517 to 1924.The Ottoman Empire was not just another Muslim empire or state. It carried aloft the banner of Islam against Christian Europeans for some five centuries, the conquest of Constantinople having being accomplished by Sultan Mehmet in 1453.

Fiction ofKhilafat in Islamic history

Though devout Muslims are in the thrall of the scripturally ordained concept of Ummah, the harsh reality is that throughout history, Muslims have been at each other’s throats, each accusing the other of being a renegade. They seem to behave as an Ummah only when confronted with infidels. Barely two decades after the death of the Prophet, the notion of the Khilafat was being questioned by the Shias who refused to recognize any Khalifa before Ali as well as by the Khawarij who questioned the need for a Khilafat altogether. Even among the Sunnis, debate continues to rage whether or not the Khalifa should be from the blood-line of the Quraysh.

By 750 CE there was no longerany one universally recognised Khilafat. Independent rulers in the ‘core’ and on the ‘fringe’ of the Islamic Empire appropriatedto themselves the titles of Amir-ul-Mominin (lit. Commander of the Faithful) and Khalifa. At one time there were as many as three Khulafa in theMuslim world, each claiming the allegiance of the Faithful. Yet,in spite of the impotence of the ‘central’ Khilafat, the fiction ofits authority, under an hieratic cloak and exalted by jurists likeAl-Mawardi (974-1058) and Al-Ghazali (1058-1111), still survived andlingered even after the disappearance of the Baghdad Khilafat at thehands of the Mongols in 1258 CE. Large portions of the SunniMuslim world continued to submit to the Abbasid Khulafa at Cairo andlater to the Ottomans at Constantinople (Qureshi, ibid, p. 7).

Khalifa-Sultan nexus in India

India had been somewhat accustomed to the fiction of the central Khilafat since the very early days of the Arab conquestof Sind in 711 CE. Practically throughout the pre-Mughal period, the Abbasid Khulafa of Baghdad, and later their fainéant (idle) successors in Cairo, were regarded as the source and sanction of the Sultans’ legal authority. Some of the Sultans – Mahmud of Ghazna (998-1030), Shams-ud-din Iltutmish (1211-1236), Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325-1351) had especially sought and obtained the Khalifal investiture. Eventhe few Sunni provincial dynasties which assumed Independence from Delhi did so in the name of the Abbasid Khulafa, whose names appearedon the coins. This practice continued until the advent of the Mughals in 1526 whose rule coincided with the ‘transfer’ of theKhilafat from Cairo to Constantinople. Though the diplomaticexchanges between the two Empires continued upto the late 18thcentury, the Mughals, likeother independent rulers (e.g. Shia Persia), never conceded theOttoman claim to the ‘universal’ Khilafat.The position, however, changed gradually when the Mughal rulebegan to totter. There is evidence, though scant, to suggestthat by the second half of the 18thcentury, theMuslims in India were developing some kind of attachment to theOttomans.Shah Wali Ullah (1703-1762), the famous Sufi of Delhi,twicereferred to the Turkish Sultan as Amir-ul-Mominin in his Tafhimat-i-Ilahiyah. Later, in 1789, the gesture was reflected in TipuSultan’s endeavour to obtain an investiture from the Ottoman Khalifa Abdul-Hamid I (Qureshi,ibid, pp.8, 9).

Indian ulama’sage-old Turkish fixation

Theposition of the Indo-Muslim orthodoxy with regard to the OttomanKhilafat began to crystallize in the 1840s. Shah Muhammad Ishaq (1778-I846),the grandson of Wali Ullah, was probably the first Indian alim(lit. knowledgeable person; pl.ulama) tosupport the Ottoman political policies when he migrated to Mecca in 1841. From then on, the inclination of the ulama, at leastof the Wali Ullah School, was to recognise and actively to proclaimthe Ottoman title to the ‘universal’Khilafat. By theearly 1850s, the Ottomans were themselves reported to bepushing the Sultan’s claim as Khalifa in India through their emissaries. It is not surprising, therefore, that in 1854 LordDalhousie (1812-1860), the Governor-General of India, found amongMuslims considerable interest and sympathy for the ‘Commander of the Faithful’ as he was considered to be.In fact, one consular report hints at such activity as early as 1835 or 1836.

When the Crimean War broke out in 1854, ‘great interest andexcitement was reported to be felt by all the Mussulman populationin India, especially on the western frontier.’ Links withConstantinople became more intimate with the disappearance in 1858 ofthe last vestiges of Muslim rule in India.In their search for a ‘centre’ and to escape British reprisals, not only did the Indianulama turn to the Ottoman Khalifa, but also, in a number of cases,notably those of RahmatullahKairanwi(1818-91), Haji Imdadullah(1817-99), Abdul Ghani (d. 1878), Muhammad Yaqub (b. 1832) andKhairuddin (1831-1908), they migrated to Mecca and some even visited Constantinople. Even those ulama like Karamat Ali Jounpuri(1800-73) who pleaded for loyalty to the British did so, on the basis of the ‘friendship that exists between the British Nationand the acknowledged Head of our Religion, the Sultan of Turkey’ (Qureshi, ibid, pp. 8, 9).

Khilafat in Indian Muslim consciousness

The fixation with the Turkish Sultan was not unique to the ulama. It was reflected in the Muslim press and in the consciousness of common Muslims at least from the 1850’s, if not earlier. A study of the nascent Muslim press during the closing decades of the nineteenth century indicates a growing pan-Islamic tendency among Muslims since the Russo-Turkish War of 1875, crystallizing itself into one of the basic strands in their orientation towards the British in India over the next four decades which saw the Turko-Greek War (1896), the Italian raid on Tripoli (1911) and the Balkan War (1912-14); (Review: The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India by Gail Minault; Review by Sharif al-Mujahid; Pakistan Horizon, Vol. 39, No.2, 1986, p.87).

The Indian Muslims had been praying for the long life, prosperity and victory of the Khilafat al-Islam at the khutba (a prescribed Islamic Friday noon-prayer from the mosque pulpit acknowledging sovereignty of the ruler) and pleading this cause in the press and from the public platform since 1870s (al-Mujahid, ibid p. 81). The middle-class Muslim intelligentsia represented by the likes of Sir Sayyid Ahmed (1817-98) popularized this fiction of a central Turkish Khilafat.

Nature of Turkish fixation

Three features need to be underlined to understand the Turkish fixation of Indian Muslims from the 1830s. First, the pan-Islamic fixation was not limited to Indian Muslims. The Turkish fixation was evident in pan-Islamic movements in Central Asia, Indonesia and Malaysia from early as late seventeenth century. Second, the fiction of the Turkish Khilafat was reinforced by the Turkish Sultans such as Sultan Abdul-Aziz (1861-1876) and his successor Abdul-Hamid II (1876-1909) to strengthen their position against internal turmoil and external European encroachments and to disabuse the Arabs from harbouring nationalistic aspirations. In this, they were assisted by European Powers who acknowledged the Sultan’s claim intreaties by Austria-Hungary (1908), Italy (1912) andGreece and Bulgaria (1913). Third, as elsewhere in theMuslim world, Shias joined Sunnis in demonstrating theirsupport for the Ottomans, regarding the Khilafat as capable ofunifying the Muslim community. The lead given in this directionby the Anjuman-i-Islam (Bombay) of the Bohra leaders BadruddinTyabji (1844-1906) and Mohammed Ali Rogay, was later sustainedby Cheragh Ali (1844-1895) of Hyderabad (Deccan), and still laterby Ameer Ali (1849-1928), the Aga Khan (1877-1957), M.H. Ispahani, Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) and others (Qureshi, ibid, p. 15).

Thus, the Khilafat Movement that seems to erupt in India in 1919 had scriptural basis and historical antecedents that date from the earliest days of Islamic rule in India. The notion of a central Khilafat, fantastic as it is, was held and sustained by the Sultans and Badshahs, ulama and the intelligentsia as well by common Indian Muslims. It was not a uniquely Indian phenomenon but part of a pan-Islamic sentiment through much of the Muslim world. On 3 March 1924, the Grand Assembly of the Republic of Turkey abolished the ‘the laughing-stock in the eyes of the really civilized and cultured people of the world’ as the Khilafat was described by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. The Khilafat Movement in India was but a momentary pause in the long battle for its restoration.  Mustafa Sabri Efendi ,1869-1954, last Ottoman Shaykh al-Islam, 1924; Abu al-Ala Mawdudi ,1903–1979, Jamait-e-Islami, 1967; Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, 1909–1979, Hizbul-Tahrir or Party of Liberation, Jordan, 1925; Seyyid Qutb,1906–66, Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, 1964; Mullah Muhammad Umar, 1960-2013,Taliban, 1996; Abu Bakr al-Baghdad, 1971-2019, ISIS, 2014 are few of the numerous notables who have championed the Khilafat post-1924. The battle for the Khilafat continues.

…to be continued

(The author has written books on Islam, Christianity, contemporary Buddhist-Muslim relations, Shuddhi movement and religious demography)